“Whether a progressive position will improve or harm society is not a progressive question. That is a conservative question. What matters to progressives is whether a position emanates from compassion.”
- Dennis Prager
Is There Life After Mitt? – NYTimes.com.
Matt Bai offers all of us on the Bull Moose wing of the GOP a sobering explanation of why a Mitt Romney loss in November would not automatically force a party-wide rethink of its rightward shift.
Waiting is not the answer. Activism is. Starting in December, it will be time to reawaken the sleeping silent majority.
“Revolt of the Rich”
Mike Lofgren
The American Conservative
August 27, 2012
A brilliant piece by Lofgren, the kind that underscores how being “pro-business” does not mean being a supporter of the new American Plutocracy. A sample quote:
Our plutocracy now lives like the British in colonial India: in the place and ruling it, but not of it. If one can afford private security, public safety is of no concern; if one owns a Gulfstream jet, crumbling bridges cause less apprehension—and viable public transportation doesn’t even show up on the radar screen. With private doctors on call and a chartered plane to get to the Mayo Clinic, why worry about Medicare?
The question facing the nation, then, is why have we allowed an elite to build a disproportionate influence on our society, in contravention to everything for which our Constitution stands?
What we need to do now is draw a line from this disturbing, anti-democratic trend to the Supreme Court decision on Citizens United and the wider issue of campaign finance. Because the problem is not patricians-as-candidates: some of our best presidents have been men of independent means. The problem is the influence of money at every level of our political system on both sides of the aisle, and how it gives the extremely wealthy the opportunity to undermine our one-man-one-vote system.
The Koch brothers, Rupert Murdoch, and their ilk will not be amused. Me, I’m delighted to see this in AmCon.
I imagine I am not the only Republican/conservative who is pained by the rightward lurch of the GOP, or of that movement’s reactionary shock troops, the Tea Partistas. I am equally dismayed, however, by the Democratic response to it: an institutionalized Occupy movement as a new radical force designed to “counterbalance” the reactionary right.
Tit-for-tat extremism is no basis on which to build a stable polity. It is, however, a great way to bring to America the political deadlock of Weimar Germany, and we all know how that turned out for both Germany and the world.
The appropriate response to the Tea Party is reasoned dialogue driven by a better, more attractive vision that will neuter the shrill “burn it all” demagoguery of the reactionary right. We need to build a big tent under which the vast majority of Americans can be comfortable knowing that the nation is on a strong course for the future, a future where we agree on the same principles and spend our energies debating how best to put those principles into action.
We have a choice: a nation in decline that is gridlocked by extremists, or the systematic neutering of the extremists through a clear, practical, and attractive vision, even if that means having to compromise and break bread with some Democrats.
I’m for the latter. Who else is on board?
Jon Huntsman Criticizes Republican Party, Compares Actions To Communist China.
I’m glad Jon Huntsman is speaking out like this, and I wish more Republicans would. To me the key graf is this one:
“Gone are the days when the Republican Party used to put forward big, bold, visionary stuff,” Huntsman said during the February interview with MSNBC that got him disinvited from the RNC fundraiser. “I think we’re going to have problems politically until we get some sort of third-party movement or some alternative voice out there that can put forward new ideas.”
I think too much has been made of the “third Party” comment. The real issue is not the creation of some rump third party that will split the vote, but a unified effort to take the Republican Party back from the Neocon/Social Conservative axis that has yanked it to the reactionary right and let it ossify.
What we love about ol’ Friedrich here at the Moose is not so much the Road to Serfdom, but Friedrich’s explanation of how European conservatives were actually reactionaries, American conservatives were small-l liberals, and American Liberals were radicals.
We believe that too many American reactionaries call themselves “conservatives,” too many radicals call themselves “liberal” or “progressive,” and manage to squeeze the real conservatives, those of us who consider ourselves the heirs to Hamilton, Lincoln, and Theodore Roosevelt, right out of the picture.
Yes, Friedrich would recognize modern American politics, all right. It would look to him worryingly like Europe before World War I.
“A patronizing public official who rewards the private interests of his supporters without acting for the benefit of the entire community will be rejected by all those who value the democratic process.”
– Rabbi Menachem Mendel Schneerson, from In G-d We Trust: A Handbook of Values for Americans
As it turns out, we do not have to reach too far back into the past of conservatism to find a movement that parallels what the Tea Party and its backers have become: the John Birch Society.
The JBS was a movement born in the heat of late-195os anti-Communism. Mind you, this was not the kind of anti-communism that said “we need to be vigilant against the infiltration of our government and armed forces by agents of our global rivals,” or “we need to ensure that the kind of government that rules in the USSR and China is never given purchase in America.” Rather, this was the kind of anti-communism that attacked President Dwight D. Eisenhower as an agent of communist conspiracy. It was, in short, paranoid-nutcase anti-communism that eerily echoed the ravings of the author of Mein Kampf.
But the Birch Society did not stop there. It declared government an enemy of freedom, and repudiated the Progressive era of Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson as the beginnings of totalitarianism. Obviously, nobody explained to the Birchers why political corruption and commercial monopolies were bad, why women’s suffrage and standards for medical and legal education were good, and why having a railroad control the California state government worked against everything American.
The Birchers obviously made liberals absolutely nuts, but they really scared conservatives who saw the Society taking the country into a reactionary direction. A very small cadre of conservatives stood against them, including William F. Buckley, Jr.
The leading intellectual spokesman and organizer of the anti-Bircher conservatives was William F. Buckley, Jr., the editor of National Review. Buckley was by no means moderate in his conservatism. He was a lifelong defender of Joseph McCarthy and a foe of New Deal liberalism. But he drew the line at claiming that the course of American government was set by a socialist conspiracy, and he feared that the ravings of the extreme right would cost more balanced, practical conservatives their chance at national power. “By 1961,” his biographer John B. Judis writes, “Buckley was beginning to worry that with the John Birch Society growing so rapidly, the right-wing upsurge in the country would take an ugly, even Fascist turn rather than leading toward the kind of conservatism National Review had promoted.”
via Glenn Beck, the Tea Party, and the Republicans : The New Yorker.
I suspect that were he alive today, Bill Buckley and I would agree on much and disagree on a lot, but I give him a lot of credit for quietly drowning the John Birch Society and marginalizing them as a political force in the country.
The way Buckley pulled that off was through a combination of activism and advocacy: activism in his support of a conservatism with broad appeal, and advocacy in his efforts to create a forum wherein ideas could replace demagoguery on the right.
That Bill Buckley is not here today is sad, but I feel that the people who need to take up his mantle need to do so with a conservatism that addresses the challenges of our age, that appeals to a broad scope of Americans, and that shows the Tea Party to be nothing more than a recycling of the same old scourge of John Birchers.
The Missing Middle in American Politics | Foreign Affairs.
In this superb review of Geoffrey Kabaservice’s new book Rule and Ruin: The Downfall of Moderation and the Destruction of the Republican Party from Eisenhower to the Tea Party, Reihan Salam offers a thumbnail sketch of how and why the Republican Party has lurched so far to the right, and why this is a problem in America today.
Tracing the decline to the divisive 1964 Republican National Convention that nominated reactionary conservative Barry Goldwater as the GOP’s answer to Lyndon Johnson, Salam suggests that the only way the Republicans can ever hope to govern effectively is to hark back to the legacy of more moderate times.
Where I diverge with both Salam and Kabaservice is in their recycling of the old saw that moderates, by definition, lack ideology. I disagree, and for two reasons.
First, most moderates do have values and principles in which they believe passionately and use those to guide their actions. On the conservative side of the aisle, we can include George Romney, Dwight Eisenhower, Abraham Lincoln, and Theodore Roosevelt, and arguably Ronald Reagan. It is impossible to argue that these men lacked the courage of their convictions, and none stood at the right wing of the GOP.
What moderates eschew is the kind ideological orthodoxy that disregards all other viewpoints, that eschews creative solutions, that denies the nature of the evolving American polity, and rejects the practical necessity of compromise in a political system that represents all Americans, not just Americans Like Me.
Second, in my experience the problem with political heterodoxy in America is not a lack of an ideology, but a failure to articulate it well and to place it in the context of policy. Hillary Clinton came closest in her 2008 campaign when she pledged to revive America’s middle class, an approach that sent the far left scurrying to the clarion of Barack Obama very early in the primary process. I would argue, though, that her failure toarticulatewhat that meant is what sank her in the campaign.
We suffer even more from this problem on among moderate and progressive conservatives. We do not articulate a coherent set of principles that would give shelter to the reluctant followers of either the Tea Party, the fundamentalist right, or the libertarian wing of the GOP, not to mention independents and Democrats who are tired of the doctrines of the left.
Kabaservice’s book is a look at how we lost our way, and I find myself unable to sleep as I absorb it. Our work now is not to find our way back, but to find our way forward toward a brand of conservatism that puts our principles to work finding a way forward for the entire country.
The WSJ has an annoying tendency to cuddle up to the far right on its editorial page, so it was refreshing to read in the paper’s obituary of Dr. James Q. Wilson a contemplation of a brand of conservatism it has previously ignored or belittled.
Noting that Wilson was best known for the “broken windows” approach to law enforcement that has helped New York and other cities turn the tide against crime, the Journal’s editors postulate:
One reason Wilson’s ideas were successful—welfare reform is among his other policy contributions—is that they were grounded in data, hard facts and the evidence of experience. But his empiricism was special because it always respected the complexity and contingency that prevails in the real world. Few phrases in the English language are responsible for as much bad thinking as “studies show” or “research suggests.” If Wilson was guided by good evidence, not ideology, he also understood its limits.
via Review & Outlook: James Q. Wilson – WSJ.com.
That’s an important distinction: policy guided by good evidence, not ideology, and an understanding of the limits of empirical studies. His approach to policy leaves us a foundation on which to build a 21st century progressive conservatism.
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The Forum of Moderate, Eisenhower, and Bull Moose Republicanism.
The Forum of Moderate, Eisenhower, and Bull Moose Republicanism.
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